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American Fascism and Its Accomplices: Part X. Suppression of Labor Power.



This is the tenth in a series illustrating how Trump’s MAGA movement is the new American fascism. We use a template laid out in an article published in 2003 by historian Lawrence Britt, which analyzed seven fascist regimes and the common threads linking them. You can read last week’s blog here.



Week X. Suppression of Labor Power Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government, labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.


The decline in union representation has been an unmitigated disaster for all of middle-class America, union member or not. As the Economic Policy Institute has pointed out, “​​Unions improve wages and benefits for all workers, not just union members. They help reduce income inequality by making sure all Americans, and not just the wealthy elite, share in the benefits of their labor.” And the decline in unions has seen a rising share of wealth go to the top 10%.




A state of affairs highly satisfying to those in the top 10% - shareholders, owners and management.  Historically, and to the present day, employers have been aggressive in their efforts to dismantle unions and to impede organizing efforts. Look no further than Amazon and Starbucks

Trump has called himself “pro-worker,” positioning himself as an ally of the working class, but he has supported numerous policies that constricted labor’s power. Within the private sector, Trump's enterprises have opposed unionization efforts in both Las Vegas and Atlantic City. Such actions sparked accusations of infringing upon union rights and refusing to acknowledge union agreements. Additionally, in 1999, Trump resolved a lawsuit related to the employment of nonunion demolition workers for Trump Tower's site demolition. The settlement involved the payment of $4 million, covering withheld benefit payments and accrued interest.


When Trump came to power in 2020, he lost no time in attempting to weaken the power of the unions further, through the use of the National Labor Relations Board.  The NLRB's responsibility is to oversee union elections and handle unfair labor practice cases as outlined in Section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act. This section safeguards "concerted activity," which refers to collective actions undertaken by workers to enhance workplace conditions. Historically, the NLRB's judgments have fluctuated between favoring workers' rights and management interests, influenced by the political party in power at the White House. Trump installed a leader at the NLRB, widely opposed by unions, whose policies and rulings weakened workers’ rights. During Trump's tenure, the agency, consisting of a five-seat board and a general counsel, saw a prevalence of management-side lawyers. Labor advocates argued that the NLRB, under Trump's administration, became exceptionally anti-labor, diverging from its intended purpose. Trump's board consistently favored employers, while career civil servants in the NLRB's regional branches complained of funding and staff shortages. 


Despite his clear anti-labor record, Trump was furious when the UAW endorsed Biden this week, even though during the UAW strike this summer, while Biden stood on the picket line - the first sitting President to do so - Trump visited a non-union shop.  


But what does all any of this mean if Trump wins a second term in 2024? Look no further than Project 2025, a $22 million effort led by the Heritage Foundation to map out the first 180 days of a second Trump administration. It lays out plans to make it harder for workers to form unions, make it easier for companies to classify employees as independent contractors, and ban the government from collecting race-based employment data in the name of stopping anti-discrimination lawsuits. 


This is all of a one with last week’s piece on Corporate power.  In a timely piece in The Atlantic, entitled “Why Wall Street Won’t Stop Trump,” Adam Serwer lays out the thesis that “American business elites would prefer a strong economy without a resurgent labor movement, which is exactly what Trump is offering.” Under Biden, labor organizing is on the move, and real wages have risen, such that 57% of workers are making more money now — after adjusting for inflation — than they were a year ago, and 41% have seen a real wage increase of more than 5%.


Stopping wage growth, making it harder for workers to unionize, cutting corporate taxes and bending the inequality curve ever further upward will be the agenda for Trump should he win in 2024.  


Next week, Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts.






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